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Vladimir Putin’s hold on Russia loosened a little this weekend when tens of thousands of people took to the streets in dozens of demonstrations across this vast country.
Hundreds were arrested amid a brutal police crackdown, prompting public outrage and international outcry.
The EU joined the U.S. yesterday in condemning the mass arrests as ‘unacceptable’ and accused Putin’s government of denying its people ‘basic freedom of expression
Russian officials responded by claiming many protesters had been paid to take part in the protests as an act of deliberate ‘provocation’.
Optimists hope the protests might be the first tremor in an earthquake that will shake the tyrant from his perch.
Regime
Grounds for anger in the country are all too evident. Russia is still astonishingly ill-run and grotesquely corrupt. Only a gilded elite of Kremlin cronies reaps the real benefits of the trillion-pound windfall from gas and oil that has occurred under Putin’s reign.
Mineral wealth and a highly educated population should make Russia a rich country. Instead, it is stagnating. Most of its people endure a clapped-out infrastructure and poor public services, while Putin’s regime has utterly failed to diversify the economy away from natural resources.
The all-pervasive corruption throttles the small businesses that should be the bedrock of real prosperity. Russia’s most important currency is not the rouble, but political favours.
While most Russians live in fear of the arbitrary and often brutal police and courts, the elite’s looting binge goes unchecked.
The weekend’s protests were galvanised by a new documentary by the anti-corruption campaigner Alexei Navalny — now jailed for his role in organising them — which laid bare the revoltingly privileged lifestyles of Russia’s ruling class. The film — downloaded 12 million times from the internet — used drone footage to highlight a sumptuous £340 million summer palace, complete with duck house, marina, ski slope, three helipads and a giant outdoor chess set, belonging to prime minister Dmitri Medvedev.
That 200-acre compound was just one of his many residences, the film claimed, adding that he had accepted up to £1 billion in bribes.
The PM’s spokeswoman has dismissed the allegations, but few Russians believe this. They see that there is one law for those who run the country, another for everyone else.
The film’s success is an encouraging sign that the largely uncensored internet has breached the Kremlin’s control of broadcast media. Another hopeful development is that many of those who turned out this weekend were teenagers — who have known no other ruler than Putin.
Moreover, the protests rippled outside the big cities of Moscow and St Petersburg. The regime’s bombastic propaganda has clearly failed to convince all Russians that they are living in paradise.
Now, however, the police have cracked down hard on protesters. One of them was arrested merely for putting a tiny sign on his bike addressed to the country’s elite: ‘Sell your villas, build roads.’
Exact figures were unclear, but a human rights group yesterday said 1,030 people had been arrested in Moscow.
Mr Navlany was fined £280 and sentenced to 15 days in prison. Following the protests, police raided his office, where they seized computers and scoured through documents.
Writing on Twitter before his court appearance yesterday, however, he said: ‘The time will come when we will have them on trial (only honestly).’
Despite all this evident discontent across the nation, after 30 years of watching Russians struggle against their rulers, I doubt that these protests will be decisive.
The pro-democracy movement that helped topple the Soviet regime in the Nineties was led by political giants: the bear-like Boris Yeltsin and the saintly physicist-dissident Andrei Sakharov.
No one of that stature exists in the thinning ranks of the modern Russian opposition.
My friend Boris Nemtsov, a liberal and true statesman, could have perhaps filled that role. But he was gunned down outside the Kremlin two years ago. Another opposition leader and long-time critic of Putin, Vladimir Kara-Murza, has suffered two bouts of poisoning. Others are exiled.
One other factor in Putin’s favour is that while in its final years the Soviet Union was also plagued by catastrophic economic failure, today Russia’s capitalist economy, though deeply corrupt, is far more resilient.
For all the failures of the Putin regime, by Russia’s dismal historical standards, the past 17 years have been a time of unparalleled freedom, prosperity and stability. Many Russians cherish that. They want no return to what they remember as the chaos and humiliation of the Nineties.
Phoney
They have no illusions about the regime’s corruption and
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